网络战及国际关系概述

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Chapter 1: Introduction

 

1.1  Cyberwarfare and International Relations

Cyberwarfare  is  a  relatively  nascent  phenomenon;  it  is  a  new  component  of warfare  that  is  comparatively  lacking  in  research  and continually  increasing  in significance.  Its rise is both undeniable and unavoidable: All major militaries are now developing cyberwarfare programs. A 2012 survey of hundreds of experts found 57% believed the world is in the midst of a cyber arms race, and 84% saw cyberattacks as a threat to national and international security, and to trade.However, although there is an  increasing  amount  of  study  into the  nature  of  this  threat,  researchers  have  mainly disregarded the impact cyberwarfare has on international relations.  As one expert put it, the problem comes from both sides: On the one hand, theorists of international relations have ignored the challenges of the digital age, particularly from a security standpoint; however,  on  the  other  hand,  the  literature  on  cybersecurity  issues  also  ignores  the theories of international relations and security.For this reason, the primary research question of this paper is the following: What is cyberwarfare’s impact on international relations? 

However, is cyberwarfare a potent enough threat to impact international relations?  One of the most important features of cyberwarfare is its asymmetric nature, which is not  only  key  to  its  role  in  warfare  generally  but  also  important  from  an  international relations outlook. The Chinese military, for instance, views cyberwarfare as a way of evening the landscape in conflicts with the United States (U.S.), and the reason for this view  is  its  asymmetric  nature.As  more  “weaker”  states  develop  their  cyberwarfare capabilities, a question naturally rises as to its efficacy.  This paper aims to demonstrate cyberwarfare’s asymmetries make it a viable weapon for weaker states to use against stronger  adversaries  and,  in  consequence,  cyberwarfare  brings  new  challenges  to international relations.

This  paper  examines  cyberwarfare’s  asymmetries  and  organizes  them  into  three categories, providing a new framework for understanding cyberwarfare’s strengths and weaknesses.  The first asymmetry category is a significant offensive advantage; that is, it is much easier to attack than to defend.  There are a number of technical and legal reasons  for  this  asymmetry.   The  second  category  is cyberwarfare  favors  states  with lower government transparency.  Unlike traditional warfare in which types of weapons and their capabilities are mostly public knowledge, in cyberwarfare, secrecy is key to its potency.   The  last  category  of  asymmetries  is cyberwarfare  favors  poorer  states  over wealthier adversaries: Wealthier countries have a greater reliance on technology, which creates more cyber vulnerabilities, and these additional vulnerabilities allow an attacker to inflict great financial loss on the defender, relative to the cost of the attack.  Of course, it is not necessarily the case a weaker state is more likely to attack, has a more opaque government, and is poorer than a stronger state, but there is often a correlation: Relative to stronger adversaries, a weaker state might not be as concerned with the consequences of initiating a cyberattack, they often have less transparent governments, and they often have  less money—or,  at  least,  have  less  money  dedicated  to  the  development  of technologically sophisticated infrastructure.

 

1.2  Definitions

Cyberwarfare  is  often  discussed  in  tortuous  metaphors  because  there  is  no consensus on its definition and there are few concrete, historical examples of its use.  To illustrate  this  difficulty,  one  analysis  found  28  definitions  for  the  term  cyberspace.The term originated in a work of science fiction and there are questions about its merit; however, the fact is there exists no better term to describe the phenomenon.Moreover, cyber is the term the literature has adopted.  In order to create an effective analysis and not fall into a semantic quagmire, cyberspace here is defined as the domain in which computers  communicate,  and  cyber-  is  what  occurs  in  that domain:  Cyberwarfare  is warfare in cyberspace, cyberpower is power in cyberspace, and so on.

However,  greater  specificity  on  the  meaning  of  certain  terms  will  be  valuable.  Richard A. Clarke, a U.S. government security expert, defines cyberwarfare as “actions by a nation-state to penetrate another nation’s computers or networks for the purposes of  causing damage  or  disruption.”For  this  endeavor,  his  definition  suffices.   The existence of differing definitions of cyberwarfare does not preclude being able to draw from  the  work  of  different  experts  in  the  field,  as  they  are  all  discussing  the  same phenomenon. Further, Joseph S. Nye, Jr., one of the founders of the neoliberal school of  international  relations  theory,  provides  a  helpful  definition of  cyberpower. He writes,  “Defined  behaviorally,  cyberpower  is  the  ability  to  obtain  preferred  outcomes through  use  of  the electronically  interconnected  information  resources  of  the cyberdomain.”Additionally,  this  paper  frequently  uses  the  term cyberattack.  Cyberattacks  includes  cyberwarfare,  cyberespionage,  or  any  other  attack  committed through cyberspace; it is not limited to any particular actor—both states and individuals can perpetrate a cyberattack.  Finally, cybersecurity is the security of computers against cyberattacks, whereas cyberdefense is a broader term that includes both cybersecurity and  also  other  aspects  of  defense  in cyberspace,  like  cyberretaliation  capability  and cyberdeterrence. 

 

Chapter 2: Literature Review

 

2.1  Relevant Research

The following chapter discusses the literature on cyberwarefare’s asymmetries, the structure  of  cyberspace  as  a  domain  of  warfare, and  the  nature  of  cyberpower.   The asymmetries  demonstrate  the  inherent  advantages  in  cyberwarfare’s  use  by  weaker states in conflicts with stronger states (here it is important to note weak and strong refer to  the  relative  strengths  between  two  states  rather than  an  objective  measurement  of strength).   Additionally,  an  understanding  of  both  cyberspace  and  cyberpower  is necessary  for determining  environmental  influences  on  cyberwarfare.   As  such,  this chapter lays the groundwork for the final analysis.

The research format here has several advantages over other efforts to understand cyberwarfare.   These  categories  of  asymmetries provide  a  new  framework  for examining the viability of cyberwarfare a weapon; other treatments of the subject detail the different components of these asymmetries, but this research compiles them into a classification system that clearly connects their benefits to weaker states.  Further, other research  efforts  might  look  at  either  cyberwarfare’s  asymmetries,  the  structure  of cyberspace,  or  the nature  of  cyberpower,  but  this  paper  connects  them  together  in  a holistic approach: By combining the technical and political aspects of cyberwarfare with its  environmental  conditions,  a  broader  and  more  substantial  viewpoint  emerges.  Moreover, this research directly  relates these subjects to their impact on  international relations in chapter 5.

 

2.2  The Asymmetries in Cyberwarfare

The  following  table  summarizes  this  section’s  classification  of  cyberwarfare’s asymmetries into categories that favor the weaker state.  It is important to note weaker states  might  not  have  the  benefit  of  all  these  asymmetries—but  there  is  a  general correlation.

2.2.1  A General Overview

The  term  asymmetry  has  many  uses,  but  at  its  core  it  connotes  gaining  the advantage  over  an  adversary  by  minimizing  their strengths  and  exploiting  their weaknesses.Franklin D. Kramer explains the 1991 Gulf War demonstrated the U.S.’s unmatched conventional warfare capabilities; consequently, U.S. adversaries will likely attempt to use asymmetric means in conflicts with the U.S., and cyberwarfare provides one of these asymmetries.The U.S. has been aware of this likelihood for a number of years, and it is certainly reasonable for the world’s strongest military to be concerned with  asymmetric  disadvantages.   The  following  2001  dialogue  with Defense Intelligence  Agency  director  Thomas  R.  Wilson  demonstrates  an  instance  of  this concern:

 

 Chapter 3: The Rise Of Cyberwarfare .......... 25

3.1  The Role of Cyberwarfare’s History ................ 25

3.2  A History of Cyberattacks ........ 25

3.3  The Development of Cyberwarfare Programs ........... 32

3.4  Cyberwarfare’s Rise and International Security .......... 35

Chapter 4: Cyberconflict And Political Will .............. 39

4.1  The Realities of Cyberwarfare .............. 39

4.2  Pivotal State-Sponsored Cyberattacks ......... 39

Chapter 5: Analysis ............. 52

5.1  Analytical Process ................. 52

5.2  Cyberwarfare as a Weapon for Weaker States .................. 52

5.3  Cyberwarfare’s Impact on International Relations .................... 54

 

Chapter 5: Analysis

 

5.1  Analytical Process

This chapter assimilates and analyzes the information from the previous chapters in order  to  address  the  primary  research  question: How  does  cyberwarfare  impact international relations?  First, as a necessary precursor to answering this question, the chapter demonstrates the validity of cyberwarfare as a weapon for weaker states to use in conflicts against stronger adversaries.  The next section then illustrates the challenges cyberwarfare  brings  to  international  relations.   It  categorizes  the  issues  this  paper previously explored and provides a framework for understanding these challenges.  The final  section  is  a  discussion  on  how  international relations  theory  might  incorporate cyberwarfare for analysis, in order to demonstrate the theoretical compatibility between cyberwarfare and the field of international relations.  Together, these sections present a new conceptual framework for analyzing cyberwarfare, combing the technical, political, and  environmental  aspects  of  cyberwarfare  with  international  relations  schools  of thought.

 

5.2  Cyberwarfare as a Weapon for Weaker States

Beginning in the 1980s, the ubiquity of cyberspace empowered the individual to be able  to  inflict  an  amount  of  damage disproportionate  to  any  previous  time  in  history.  Unlike a conventional weapon, the strength of a cyberweapon correlates to the skill of its operator.  This empowerment grows alongside the world’s increasing dependence on technology, from critical infrastructure to military operations.  It is natural, then, groups of individuals working together would be more powerful than individuals in cyberspace, and nations would be the strongest of all actors.  Nations have the most resources and the  largest  talent  pool  to  draw  from,  and  they have  more  time  to  devise  and  execute cyberattacks.  The Gulf War in 1991 demonstrated the U.S. military’s immense power to  the world,  and  its  adversaries  will  attempt  asymmetric  means  to  compensate; cyberwarfare offers one of these asymmetric means.

 

Chapter 6: Conclusion

 

6.1  Summary of Findings

The  discussions  throughout  this  paper  demonstrate  cyberwarfare  is  an  important factor  in  international  relations,  and  its significance  continues  to  grow.   Due  to  its asymmetries, cyberwarfare is an effective tool of warfare for weaker states to employ against stronger adversaries; moreover, its quality of proximity irrelevance allows any state  to  target  any  other.   As  a  result, cyberwarfare  brings  a  number  of  unfamiliar challenges  to  international  relations.   Further,  international  relations  theories  are compatible with these issues cyberwarfare raises.

Regarding cyberwarfare as a viable weapon for weaker states, it has three different groups  of  asymmetric  advantages:  It  favors  the attacker  over  the  defender,  it  favors opaque  governments  over  transparent  governments,  and  it  favors  poor  states  over wealthier adversaries.  These advantages typically favor a weaker state over a stronger adversary.  Additionally, the structure of cyberspace suggests it is unlikely to change to minimize  weaker  states’  cyberattack  capability.   Further,  the  nature  of  cyberpower suggests dominance in cyberspace is infeasible and bans on cyberattacks are unlikely.  Moreover, a state does not have to fear major repercussions for perpetrating an attack, either  by  international  condemnation  or  cyberretaliation.   Finally,  China  provides  a compelling  example  of  a  state  that  understands  and  depends  on  cyberwarfare’s asymmetries, and that views cyberwarfare as a weapon offering great tactical flexibility.  In summary, the evidence indicates cyberwarfare is a viable tool of conflict for weaker states to employ against stronger adversaries, and not just for the short term.

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